PICKING HORSES
(November 1942)
Events: Difficult Choices, 1942
Leslie Groves (right) moved swiftly to make good on
his new timetable by scheduling a decisive meeting of the Military Policy
Committee for November 12, 1942, and of the S-1 Executive Committee for November
14. The scientists at each of the institutions doing isotope separation
research knew these meetings would determine the uranium-235 separation method to be used in
the bomb project; therefore, the keen competition among the institutions added
to the sense of urgency created by the war. Ernest
Lawrence's team working on the electromagnetic
method at the University of California,
Berkeley, remained the most optimistic team working on uranium
enrichment. The gaseous
diffusion research being conducted at Columbia
University continued to meet serious difficulties, but it was still
considered a viable option. The big loser of the November meetings was the
centrifuge process, which was finally
dropped from consideration.
By November 1942, it was the path to the bomb via
plutonium, not uranium, that
appeared the most promising. Shortages of uranium and graphite
delayed construction of CP-l
(Chicago Pile #1) (right), but this frustration was tempered by
calculations indicating that a completed pile would produce a fission
chain reaction. With Enrico Fermi's move to
Chicago in April, all pile research was now being conducted at the Metallurgical
Laboratory as Arthur Compton had
planned, and Fermi and his team anticipated a successful experiment by the end
of the year. Further optimism stemmed from Glenn
Seaborg's inventive work with plutonium, particularly his investigations
on plutonium's oxidation states that seemed to provide a way to separate
plutonium from the irradiated uranium to be produced in the pile.
In August, Seaborg's team produced a microscopic sample of pure plutonium, a
major chemical achievement and one
fully justifying further work on the
pile. The only cloud in the Chicago sky was the scientists' disappointment
when they learned that construction and operation of the production facilities,
now to be built near the Clinch River in Tennessee at Site X, would be turned
over to a private firm. An experimental pile would be built in the Argonne
Forest Preserve just outside Chicago, but the Metallurgical Laboratory
scientists would have to cede their claim to pile technology to an organization
experienced enough to take the process into construction and
operation.
While each of the four processes fought to demonstrate its
"workability" during summer and fall 1942, equally important
theoretical studies were being conducted that greatly influenced the decisions
made in November. Robert Oppenheimer
headed the work of a group of theoretical physicists he called the luminaries,
which included Felix Bloch, Hans Bethe, Edward Teller, and Robert Serber, while
John H. Manley assisted him by coordinating nationwide fission research and
instrument and measurement studies from the Metallurgical Laboratory in
Chicago.
Despite inconsistent experimental results, the consensus emerging
at Berkeley was that approximately twice as much fissionable material would be
required for a bomb than had been estimated six months earlier. This was
disturbing, especially in light of the military's view that it would take more
than one bomb to win the war. The goal of mass-producing fissionable
material, which still appeared questionable in late 1942, seemed even more
unrealistic given Oppenheimer's estimates. Oppenheimer did report, with
some enthusiasm, that fusion explosions using deuterium (heavy hydrogen) might
be possible. The prospect of thermonuclear (fusion) bombs generated
some optimism since deuterium supplies, while not abundant, were certainly
larger and more easily supplemented than were those of uranium and
plutonium. S-1 immediately authorized basic research on other light
elements. Groves also, on November 25, 1942, chose Oppenheimer as the head
of the bomb research and design laboratory to be built at Los Alamos
in the mountains of northern New Mexico. In a month of critical decisions, none would
prove more important than this one.
Final input for the November meetings of the Military Policy Committee and
the S-1 Executive Committee came from DuPont. One of the first things
Groves did when he took over in September was to begin courting DuPont, hoping
that the giant chemical firm would undertake construction and operation of the
plutonium separation plant to be built in Tennessee. He appealed to
patriotism, informing the company that the bomb project had high priority with
the President and maintaining that a successful effort could affect the outcome
of the war. DuPont managers resisted but did not refuse the task, and in
the process they provided an objective appraisal of the pile project.
Noting that it was not even known if the chain
reaction would work, DuPont stated that under the best of circumstances
plutonium could be mass-produced by 1945, and it emphasized that it thought the
chances of this happening were low. This appraisal did not discourage
Groves who was confident that DuPont would take the assignment if
offered.
The Military Policy Committee met on November 12, 1942, and its decisions
were ratified by the S-1 Executive Committee two days later. The Military
Policy Committee, acting on Groves's and James Conant's recommendations, cancelled the
centrifuge project. Gaseous diffusion, the pile, and the electromagnetic
method were to proceed directly to full-scale, eliminating the pilot plant
stage. The S-1 Executive Committee approved these recommendations and
agreed that the gaseous diffusion facility was of lower priority than either the
pile or the electromagnetic plant but ahead of a second pile. The
scientific committee also asked DuPont to look into methods for increasing
American supplies of heavy water in case it was needed to serve as a moderator
for one of the new piles. Now that the various committees had finally
chosen which horses to back, the only things left to do were to get final
presidential approval and to run the race.

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